Schweizer's documentary was financed by Migros culture percentage and co-produced by the Swiss Broadcasting Corporation (SRG/SSR)
برچسب: نویسنده: کاوه محمدزادگان تاريخ: يکشنبه 29 اسفند 1395 ساعت: 20:36
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برچسب: festival lights upper marlboro md,lights festival upper canada village,festival of lights upper sandusky ohio, نویسنده: کاوه محمدزادگان تاريخ: دوشنبه 6 دی 1395 ساعت: 10:06
Switzerland's Ambassador to the US, Martin Dahinden, took a look at how Swiss chefs have influenced cuisine today, from introducing time-keeping to presidential menus. The results of his research appear in his book, "Schweizer Küchengeheimnisse: Gesichter und Geschichten hinter bekaten Gerichten" (Swiss Kitchen Secrets Faces and Stories Behind Famous Dishes).
برچسب: نویسنده: کاوه محمدزادگان تاريخ: دوشنبه 6 دی 1395 ساعت: 10:06
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Weak sales of a new heart drug have combined with problems in its Alcon eyecare business, to create arguably the rockiest period for Mr Jimenez since the American took charge six years ago.
Legal risks have added to the gloom, as Novartis faces investigation for suspected marketing abuses in the US, South Korea and Turkey on top of recent cases in Japan and China.
All these problems have been simmering for months but are now coming to the boil as a succession of analysts cut growth forecasts for the group.
Mr Jimenez still has credit with investors for an overhaul in which Novartis has narrowed the sprawling range of businesses built by his predecessor, Daniel Vasella. He is likely to point to progress in cutting costs and restructuring Alcon when he aounces first-quarter results on Thursday.
However, the headline numbers are unlikely to part the clouds hanging over Novartis. Analysts expect sales and profits to be down as the eyecare business continues to drag on performance.
The mood was different a year ago, when the group was preparing to launch Entresto. Data showing that the drug cut deaths by a fifth in clinical trials fuelled confidence that it would be the new blockbuster Novartis needed to offset the imminent loss of patent protection on its best-selling Gleevec cancer drug.
Yet instead of the expected gush, sales of Entresto started at a trickle. The $5 million (CHF4.8 million) registered in the final quarter of 2015 was less than a tenth of analysts’ forecasts. They have described the launch as a “huge disappointment”.
Novartis declined to comment but analysts sympathetic to the group pointed out that Mr Jimenez always said it would take time for Entresto to gain momentum. There has, so far, been no retreat from his long-term target for peak aual sales of $5 billion from the drug. Others are no longer as confident. Citigroup last month slashed its sales forecast from $10 billion in 2025 to just $2 billion.
The worry for investors is that Entresto may be a harbinger of tougher times ahead in the US. Two hyped cholesterol-lowering drugs from Sanofi and Amgen have also been stuck in the slow lane since their launch last year.
This has added to evidence that US insurers and healthcare providers are becoming more aggressive in their bargaining with big pharma as structural changes in the health system increase incentives for cost savings.
Without a strong contribution from Entresto this year, Novartis has been left exposed to a decline at Alcon - a business acquired from Nestlé for $50 billion in a two-part transaction completed in 2010. A target was set for Alcon to retu to growth by the end of the year. However, Seamus Feandez, analyst at Leerink, says the business may be sold if the turound falters.
Further uncertainty comes from the investigations facing Novartis over suspected marketing abuses in the US, Turkey and South Korea. That is on top of a $25 million settlement paid to the US Securities and Exchange Commission last month for bribery in China and a suspension of its business in Japan for manipulating clinical trial data.
The biggest peril is from a lawsuit being pursued by Preet Bharara, the US attoey-general for the southe district of New York. He has accused Novartis of fuelling kickbacks to prescribers through as many as 80,0000 “sham” educational meetings where doctors were wined and dined.
Mr Bharara secured a $390 million settlement from Novartis in a separate case last year, and Andrew Baum, analyst at Citigroup, says there is a “high probability” of another fine that could be similar in scale to the record $3 billion paid by GlaxoSmithKlinein 2012.
Like GSK, Novartis might also have to commit to marketing reforms that would make it harder to aggressively push Entresto. Mr Baum said this could “severely impact” on eaings.
In an attempt to clean up, Novartis has appointed a chief ethics officer.
For all the challenges, some analysts still see reasons for optimism. Another new product, Cosentyx for psoriasis, has started strongly with forecasts of $2.5 billion in aual sales by 2020.
Financial Times
برچسب: نویسنده: کاوه محمدزادگان تاريخ: سه شنبه 31 فروردين 1395 ساعت: 20:05
“Today some of the biggest extraction and trading firms are based between Geneva, Zug and Lausae. Switzerland has a great responsibility accepting them here and monitoring them so little,” declared Schweizer at the world premiere of his new documentary Trading Paradise, shown at the Visions du Réel film festival in Nyon last weekend.
After skinheads and neo-Nazis, environmental damage and gold, Schweizer tackles another sensitive topic for Switzerland: commodity trading.
The filmmaker travels to mining operations run by Glencore in Peru (Antacappay) and Zambia (Mopani) and another belonging to Vale in Brazil (Carajàs). The first two result in rare footage inside the mines.
From snowy Lake Geneva, we move to the arid, brown rolling mountains of southe Peru with trucks thundering outside Glencore’s huge open air Antacappay mine.
The film cuts between officious security guards and locals who complain about the pollution of their rivers and land from mine waste water.
Interviews are interspersed with recent TV images from violent demonstrations against the mine in Espinar province, and a 2013 news report showing dead animals that farmers claim had ingested food or water contaminated with heavy metals coming from mining activities. However, these claims were recently rejected by a study commissioned by the Peruvian National Service of Agricultural Health.
“I believe as human beings we have the right to live healthily. But here the mining company treats us like animals,” says elderly farmer Melchora Surco Rimach, adding she has received death threats for being outspoken about pollution.
The film then moves to Zambia following a Swiss researcher from the Swiss NGO Bee Declaration who is gathering information on one of Africa’s largest copper mines – the Mopani Mine in the Mufulira region, bought by Glencore in 2000.
Locals there complain about air pollution, in particular a poisonous sulphuric acid wind named ‘Senta’, which they claim destroys harvests and damages health. The plant has emitted sulphur dioxide since its creation in the 1930s.
“People breathe in sulphurous emissions as if they were oxygen. This air is toxic. When Senta blows at night people suffocate and die in their sleep…They don’t want to pay attention to our situation,” says Maggret Chsanga Waya, who lives in Kankoyo in a small rundown shack opposite the huge industrial copper mine.
Glencore executives reject the charges, saying they have invested $550 million upgrading a system to capture 97% of sulphur dioxide emissions at the plant.
From his headquarters in Baar, canton Zug, Chief Executive Officer Ivan Glasenberg defends the company’s social and environmental record.
“We respect human rights in the countries where we operate totally,” Glasenberg declares. “We have our own principles to respect human rights in the countries where we operate and we do that, and we do more than that, as we take care of the families and the population in the area of the mines in which we operate, not just the people who work at the mines. On environmental standards we don’t just follow the country standards; we follow inteational standards.”
In the second half of the film, Schweizer travels to the Carajàs mine in northe Brazil, the largest iron ore mine in the world owned by the multinational Vale. Information there is harder to gather, however, as Vale, which has its administrative headquarters in St Prex in canton Vaud, refuses to talk to him or grant access to the Brazilian site.
Instead the filmmaker meets Xikrin Indians, who are unhappy about the expansion of the mine and threats to their way of life. They talk of how the firm has driven them from their ancestors’ lands. As they are interviewed in their traditional costume and make-up, the thud-thud-thud of heavy machinery can be heard beyond the thick forest.
From there we retu to Switzerland, described as an ideal location for the multinationals as it provides access to commercial banks, fiscal privileges and a light regulatory touch.
In Lausae, the camera moves back and forth between traders sipping champagne at the 2014 Financial Times Global Commodities Summit inside the five-star Beau Rivage hotel in Lausae and protesters outside who are stopped in their tracks by police officers and pepper spray.
In March 2013, the Swiss govement published a controversial report on the commodities market. It recognised the importance and risks, but stopped short of drafting separate legislation for the sector, preferring voluntary non-binding regulations.
Schweizer follows a delegation of eight Swiss parliamentarians who visit Espinar in Peru in 2014, which resembles more of a tourist trip than an official mission. One MP criticises the intimidation by Glencore, but others praise the mining industry’s achievements or urge the firm to be more transparent.
While calls for change are coming from all sides, Stéphane Graber, secretary general of the Swiss Trading & Shipping Association argues that actually much is already being done: “The sector has developed massively. But it has also developed a lot with regard to social responsibility, risk management and due diligence.”
But activists say the efforts are not enough and more pressure is needed from civil society to make firms live up to the corporate social responsibility claims found in their brochures and that the situation on the ground is improved.
Changes could be afoot. The 140,000 signatures for a people's initiative dubbed “For Responsible Business”, directly aimed against the Swiss-based commodities sector as well as other multinationals, will reportedly be handed in at the Federal Chancellery in October. This could force a nationwide vote - but not before 2018.
Schweizer says Trading Paradise, which is set to get a nationwide release later this autumn, is his personal contribution to this ‘big political debate [on commodities trading] still to come”.
Commodities trading
In the space of only a few years Switzerland has tued into a major commodities trading hub. The small alpine state is home to about 500 companies specialising in this field, including giants such as Glencore, Vale, Cargill, Vitol and Trafigura.
The firms, which are mostly based in Geneva, Zug and Lausae, employ about 10,000 people and contribute nearly 4% of the country's GDP. Approximately a quarter of all raw materials are traded through Switzerland, including 35% of crude oil, 60% of metals, 35% of grain, and 50% of coffee.
Firms’ reactions to Trading Paradise
Glencore: “As part of our stakeholder engagement, we welcomed the opportunity to take part in the making of the film. We look forward to continuing to work with the producers to address certain inaccuracies before the film’s general release in the autumn.”
Vale: “Vale will be happy to share with you its view on the documentary, but only once it will be released in autumn, as no-one at Vale has seen it so far.”
swissinfo.ch
برچسب: نویسنده: کاوه محمدزادگان تاريخ: سه شنبه 31 فروردين 1395 ساعت: 20:05
It all began when satirist Jan Böhmerma told a joke about Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on his television show. It contained sexual references – involving a goat, in the form of a poem – and Erdogan was offended. So much so that he called on the German govement to prosecute the talk show host.
In many countries, things would have ended there, with a complaint from abroad having no traction in sovereign politics or laws protecting free speech taking precedent. But not so in Germany, thanks to Paragraph 103 of the penal code, which prohibits insulting the leader of a foreign country – as long as the German head of state allows for the law’s application.
And perhaps not so in Switzerland, which has a similar law – Article 296 – saying essentially the same thing.
“Whoever insults a foreign head of state, a member of their govement or diplomatic representation…shall be punished by imprisonment of up to three years or a fine,” reads the Swiss law. The legislation also specifically forbids insults against delegates attending a diplomatic event and official representatives at NGO meetings held in Switzerland. Also, like in Germany, the head of govement – in this case the seven-member cabinet – must approve applying the law. That means it’s always political.
While Germany’s version of the legislation came into force in 1871, Switzerland’s became the law of the land in 1951.
When has Switzerland applied its law on insulting foreign heads of state? The last instance was not so long ago, in 2010, when a Geneva political group put up posters depicting Moammar Gaddafi with the tagline “He Wants to Destroy Switzerland” – a statement the Libyan leader had once made before the United Nations.
Gaddafi called on the Swiss govement to act, arguing that the poster was insulting. The govement did so, allowing a judicial investigation to go forward based on the terms of Article 296. But the federal prosecutor’s office aounced it was dropping the case in August 2011, a few months before Gaddafi was killed.
And in the 1970s, Iran’s shah was displeased with his depiction in a Swiss satirical magazine and also called on Switzerland’s govement to green-light an investigation. It did, again based on Article 296, and the magazine’s publisher was fined – albeit only a few hundred Swiss francs.
Switzerland has also made use of Germany’s law on insulting foreign heads of state. In 2007, a Swiss citizen living in southe Germany published abusive accusations about former Swiss cabinet member Micheline Calmy-Rey on the inteet. Based on the Germany’s Paragraph 103, Switzerland called on the German govement to open an investigation, and the person who had published the Idea was fined.
Late last week, German Chancellor Angela Merkel aounced she would let the case against Böhmerma go to the courts for judges to decide which laws apply. By doing so, she attempted to appease both Erdogan – whose support she’s counting on in resolving the refugee crisis – and the loud voices of criticism and calls for repeal of Paragraph 103 coming from within her own country. Merkel also made statements supporting the law’s repeal.
In Switzerland, politicians from both sides of the political spectrum called for the repeal of Article 256 in the wake of the Böhmerma affair, including former parliamentarian Oscar Freysinger of the conservative right Swiss People’s Party and former cabinet minister Jean-Christophe Schwaab of the leftwing Social Democrats.
“The fact that you can be prosecuted for insulting a foreign head of state here in Switzerland reminds me of the Middle Ages,” Schwaab told the 20 Minutes newspaper.
Satirists Mike Müller and Viktor Giacobbo, who host a show on Swiss public television, SRF, also made insulting remarks about Erdogan on their programme, most recently on Sunday.
Even though a lawyer confirmed that they could be prosecuted under Article 256 for those remarks – if Erdogan calls for it and if the govement approves – Müller said the comedy duo had not been discouraged by the network (part of swissinfo.ch’s parent company) from making jokes about the Turkish leader.
“We have free reign over our show,” he said.
Among members of the public, feelings on Böhmerma’s fate were varied, with some arguing his actions should be defended and others saying he overstepped boundaries.
One Twitter user remarked that “Böhmerma is lucky he lives in Germany and not Switzerland”, citing the Swiss law’s text.
Others supported Böhmerma’s right to free speech and thanked his broadcaster, ZDF, for standing behind him in the affair.
Another commenter tweeted from Switzerland that “I’m not a Merkel supporter, but why do people think that Böhmerma can’t be accused of defamation, just like anyone else could?
And in an editorial on Sunday, the Swiss Neue Zürcher Zeitung newspaper said the affair had “uecessarily plunged Merkel into a difficult dilemma” and that she had handled the situation in a pragmatic way.
As for Böhmerma, he shouldn’t be punished, said the paper – “but he could take some time to consider the purpose of satire”.
You can contact the author of this article on Twitter.
swissinfo.ch
برچسب: نویسنده: کاوه محمدزادگان تاريخ: سه شنبه 31 فروردين 1395 ساعت: 20:05